propose again a post about the different generations and souls within the Muslim Brotherhood movement.
After reading the beautiful post, as always, the excellent Paola Caridi and sonsiglio as always on :
http://invisiblearabs.com/?p=2786 Wednesday, February 9, 2011
Lotion Cervical Mucous
- propose again my post on the composition of the different souls inside of the Brothers Muslims in Egypt, so inappropriately mentioned in this revolt in Egypt. Like Paul, I have no personal sympathy for this religious movement, as a layman and I left a very different vision of society, but since these days and the Muslim Brotherhood in particular the subject of comments and articles written by the ignorant who have no idea of Middle East policy, for the sake of science and knowledge I would like to reproduce these reflections.
SOME IMPORTANT OBSERVATIONS ON THE MOVEMENT OF BROTHERS MUSLIMS TODAY: OLD AND NEW GENERATIONS
To understand who are the famous Muslim Brotherhood and what they believe is important to know the characteristics of the social composition, political and ideological movement of the whole Today, in a time when new generations are causing a sharp change in the ideology of the group.
To better understand the role of the new younger generation of the Brotherhood, you
examine the structure generation of the Muslim Brotherhood organization.
which are not alive today was no exponent)
, proponents of un'islamizzazione bottom and a return through the 'adoption of Islam as a way of life, to a society based on Islamic values \u200b\u200band finally on Islamic law, which in their view could prevail only when all the people had chosen as an alternative to the imitation of Western models, we have that is called la prima generazione, denominata anche "la vecchia generazione" (al jiil al qadim). Essa è composta dai membri che hanno vissuto in prima persona la repressione nasseriana durante gli anni ‘50 e '60.
Oggi, questa vecchia generazione, i cui membri hanno un’ età che va dai 60 agli 80 anni, nel suo insieme, esprime le personalità con la visione più conservatore del movimento, sotto tutti i punti di vista: ideologico, politico e religioso. Il loro obiettivo primario è la sopravvivenza del movimento e la conservazione istituzionale della Fratellanza come organizzazione coesa, e questo li rende intellettualmente rigidi e chiusi. In parte come conseguenza delle loro esperienze storiche, questa generazione tende a mettere più peso sul lavoro di da’wa sotterraneo e su altre forme di mobilitazione ideologica piuttosto che sull’azione politica. Alcuni membri di rilievo ed esponenti di questa generazione sono la precedente Guida generale, Mahdi Akef , che ha 81 anni, il mufti della Confraternita e membro dell'Ufficio Generale (di presidenza di orientamento), Sheikh Abdullah al-Khatib, che ha 80 anni, il deputato della Guida Generale,
Il secondo gruppo generazionale potrebbe essere chiamato la generazione dei pragmatici.
E’ composto da membri che sono maturati durante il ritorno della Confraternita nell’arena politica durante gli anni ‘70 .
I rappresentanti più noti di questa generazione sono Essam al-Erian, il capo dell’ uffico politico della Confraternita, Abd al-Moneim Abu al-Futuh. La terza generazione è composta dai cosiddetti neo tradizionalisti. Questi membri maturarono nella Confraternita nel corso della scontro con il regime di Mubarak nei processi nel 1990 e nei processi alla leadership della Fratellanza davanti al Tribunale militare nel 1995.
Queste dure esperienze contribuirono a rafforzare in questa generazione, la
cultura segreta e chiusa del movimento e la tendenza a preferire il lavoro ideologico sotterraneo e di base senza dare particolare importanza alla politica. Con un’età media generalmente sulla quarantina, questo gruppo è fedele ai membri più anziani dell’ organizzazione. Come la “vecchia generazione” (al jiil al qadiim) con cui sono più in sintonia, sono ideologicamente e religiosamente dei conservatori, dominano i vari uffici amministrativi dell'organizzazione e detengono saldamente le posizioni di leadership di medio livello nelle zone di provincia. Gli esponenti del quarto gruppo generazionale sono giovani tra i 20 ei 30 anni
, la maggior parte di essi vive nelle aree urbane come Il Cairo, Alexandria, Mansura. Are characterized by greater openness and for their liveliness and curiosity, sometimes reaching almost irreverent than their older brothers. Among the now numerous and evolving bloggers linked to the Brotherhood should be reported Hossam el-Hamalawy, one of the most famous bloggers all over Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood is that dihicara movements were among the first ever to use the Internet and e-mail, and that he received for his blog announced by the Brotherhood since 2002. Ana Ikhwan (I'm a Brother), is held by a young man named Abdul Moneim Mahmoud, a young reformist almost thirty. Through his blog has created a vast network relationships with key activists and bloggers secular, liberal, human rights movements. Through the blog he led a popular campaign for the release of - Abd Elkarimn Soliman, a secular blogger who was sentenced to four years in prison on charges of insulting Islam, inciting to sedition and for defaming President Mubarak. The blog of Abdul Moneim Mahmoud is also visited for its interest in the campaigns of arrests. The blogging youth is a challenge
increasingly revolutionary internal to an organization traditionally closed, as the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Brotherhood of young bloggers have begun to engage in a work of self-criticism and began to openly criticize the leadership of the movement, its organizational structure, its rigid political and religious speech. The new wave of blogging was not and is not a phenomenon limited to young males, in fact, many Muslim sisters have also started blogging, certainly a new development not only for the Brotherhood, but also for the Egyptian society in general, which remains a conservative society intellectually.
admire the AKP's ability to mix Islam, democracy, nationalism and believe that the Brotherhood should strive to make Himself through the creation of a political party, distinct from its religious mission.
In this respect, support in principle, the separation between the religious vision and political action. For these young brothers, citizenship should be the primary organizing principle of the state, which in turn must protect minority rights and ensure equality of citizens regardless of color, ethnicity, religion or sex. A decidedly secular perspective, and that certainly can not be seen well from the "old generation", the references to the Islamic Shari'ah and the state are still very strong. only around the second half of 2007, when the phenomenon of bloggers began to receive considerable coverage mass media, the Brotherhood began to really take an interest in these young people and is open to the needs of young people, giving further impetus to their struggle against the ideological and organizational rigidity of the group.
Much of the future of the Muslim Brotherhood movement to play around their internal debate, watched carefully by many international experts, between the reformists and conservatives. The heavy and harsh campaign of arrests began in 2006 with the arrest of the beloved Khairat al Shater, one of the most influential leaders of the Brotherhood, very close to young people, had an impact on the internal balance and is affecting the outcome of this ideological confrontation. A striking example was when at the end of June 2009 the security apparatuses have arrested the leader of the reformist Abdel Mon'em AbulFutuh, leader of the Union of Arab doctors and one of the founders of the cartel of opposition movements "Kifaya". AbulFutuh was a strong candidate to the General Guide, instead of Mahdi Akef, a representative instead of the "old generation".
supreme leader after months of infighting. And elect a conservative, much younger than the Supreme Guide Mahdi Akef resigned. In fact the new leader of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood is called Mohammed Badie, 67, is considered a very charismatic figure and largely poorly understood. But 1965 belongs to the group, those who were arrested along with Sayyid Qutb in one of intensified repression against the Muslim Brotherhood. A conservative, in fact. Definitely different from AbulFutouh, considered the top representative of pragmatic wing, the man who could talk con l'opposizione liberale e laica, apprezzato da quasi tutti. anche e soprattutto fuori dalla Fratellanza.
Molto è dunque cambiato da quella primavera politica del 2005-2006, quando l'opposizione egiziana sembrava esprimere una via nuova alla dissidenza. Nel Gennaio 2010 pare che la Fratellanza abbia scelto la rigidità, l'ortodossia. AbulFutouh, come altri pragmatici, è in galera. I giochi ovviamente non sono conclusi, intanto perché Mohammed Badie ha fama di essere persona molto indipendente, poi perché nella Fratellanza, la “Shura” nel vero significato islamico of the term, consultation, has always been very important. There is a also a strong system of counterweights, so if circumstances change and loosen political repression, which disadvantages the reformers, even this could completely change the direction taken by the Brotherhood.
[1] The age group between 15 and 28 years in Eitto is good for 28% of the total population and Young people are the largest subgroup within the Brotherhood. Especially since 2005, le università sono diventate tra i luoghi dove il movimento dei Fratelli è più forte e da cui provengono molti dei militanti più attivi.
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